- Rwanda Since the 1994 Genocide
Rwanda Since the 1994 Genocide

Latest Posts

Growing Disparities and Potential for Future Conflict

By jessical on January 30, 2013

Last week Thomson posed the question to the class, is social and political openness essential for continued economic growth within Rwanda? The conclusion overall was yes for without it entrepreneurial enterprises would be stifled and the economy would eventually come to a halt. Yet there were still some lingering concerns of how such increased openness in the public sphere would effect relations between “ethnic” divides within society. As we can gather from the Thomson, Burnet, Umutesi, and Jefremovas readings, ethnicity is far from the first concern of many Rwandan citizens. These authors discuss how ethnicity is only one form of divide within Rwandan society. More present in their every day lives are the divides along regional, class, and gender lines. As Thomson wrote and articulated in class, it is “crushing poverty that shapes the everyday lives of most Rwandans” and the strain of surviving the day which stands foremost in impoverished Rwandans’ minds rather than ‘ethnicity’ (180).  Furthermore, Straus and Waldorf quoted the a UNDP 2007 report that stated, “Rwanda’s high growth rates are deceptive in that they hide large and growing inequalities between social classes, geographic regions and gender” (10). While it may appear that the Rwanda’s economy is rebounding marvelously, the wealth is not trickling down and the reality at the bottom is far different. Thus, I wonder if greater freedom of expression were permitted, if the subsequent outburst of conflict feared by some would be centered around the regional and class divisions rather than ‘ethnicity’.


“First Kill”: Bureaucratic Ordering and Collective Unconscious

By jessical on January 30, 2013

First Kill is one of the most individualized and disconcerting studies of the psychology of soldiers in war I have ever encountered. One element that struck me the most was the soldiers’ repeated rationalization of killing as a need to meet body counts. This systematized act of killing recalls Hanah Arendt’s discussion of the banality of evil with regards to the Eichmann trial, exhibiting how division of labor in Nazi Germany enabled the killing of thousands of people without individual responsibility or guilt. Additionally, this can be linked to class discussion of Rwanda’s post-conflict bureaucratically strong state that orders society through administrative structuring. The men in the film killed women and children yet explain it as simply meeting a body count requirement. While it is clear theses men are aware of their killing, it seems that they lay the true responsibility elsewhere for they are only doing so due to orders from above and responsibility to the state. Furthermore, bureaucratic structuring of the military system can be seen to transform the collective unconscious of the soldiers. As we have seen in Rwanda, the propaganda framing the Hutus and the Tutsis as fundamentally different and oppositional “ethnicities” transformed relations and encouraged the killing. In First Kill, soldiers explain how Vietnamese were “the enemy” that “had to be killed”. These men have been engineered to kill by the U.S. military. For many of them, it is no longer “wrong” to kill. After their first kill they realized they felt little different than before, that it was easy and that they even took pleasure in the act. This leaves us with the challenge for soldiers returning to the U.S. as well as individuals in Rwanda, what does the “normal” moral society do with those individuals they have taught to kill without thought? How are they reintegrated into society and is a return to a “normal” collective unconscious possible for them?